‘Hope again’ was the slogan underpinning this Labour Party conference, with the Burnham buzz reverberating across Liverpool’s docklands as the prime minister delivered what he hopes will be an era-defining speech.
If you work in FE and skills, there were some reasons to feel hopeful.
Britain now has a prime minister who has put vocational education, skills and young people unusually close to the centre of his political project – and who arrived in Downing Street with a track record of doing the same in Greater Manchester.
But across the conference halls, hotel boardrooms and bars of Liverpool, a tension was brewing.
Burnham is betting heavily on devolution to fix systemic problems that central government has failed to solve for generations. Yet ministers, combined authorities, colleges and training providers are still grappling with fundamental questions about what exactly is being devolved, and whether some areas will have the capacity to cope.
Devolution is a medicine with effects that take time to show. The electorate is unlikely to be so patient; the conference bookstore was brimming with books about why populists are winning.
The political imperative for Burnham is to prove quickly that shifting power out of Whitehall can improve people’s lives.
One of the books on sale at the Labour party conference
What exactly is being devolved?
An air of uncertainty hangs over Burnham’s plans to devolve 16-19 funding to mayors, with important details not expected until the Budget. Sector insiders told us the promised devolution white paper may now not arrive until November.
For example, colleges had been under the impression that devolved funding would include school sixth forms. Some combined authority delegates had assumed otherwise.
Strategic authorities are also gaining greater influence over employment support, transport, housing, planning and public services. In theory, putting those levers in the same hands could help areas join up education with employment opportunities and prevent post-16 cold spots emerging.
And as one source observed, civil servants would argue that “the logistics of unpicking” the separate funding elements would be “just too hard”.
Employment minister Andrew Western expressed frustration that he could not answer FE Week’s questions about what 16-19 funding was being devolved, because it sits with the Department for Education – or the “Department for Hope”, as education secretary Lucy Powell rechristened it.
Western said the barriers to responsiveness were a “problem”, and he had “fed [this] into the spads this morning”.
“Ninety per cent of the questions I’m being asked as minister for employment, I don’t know the answer to,” he lamented.
At first, Western thought this was because he was new in post (he started in July). But he concluded the problem was structural.
Although skills “technically” sit at the Department for Work and Pensions, skills minister Jacqui Smith spends “80 per cent” of her time at the DfE because of her wider Lords responsibilities.
“So people are coming to me with questions that I don’t know the answers to. They do need to find a way to join it up better.”
The solution, he added, was “not me sitting there looking like an idiot, not knowing the answers to things”.
An EPI session with skills minister Jacqui Smith
It was a remarkably candid illustration of precisely the Whitehall fragmentation Burnham says he wants to overcome through his ‘rewiring of the state’.
Alan Milburn, the former health secretary leading the government’s review into young people and work, described the problem starkly.
He let delegates into a “secret”: “there is no system” in government, merely “a series of vertical siloes, whether that’s education, health, skills [or] welfare”.
When you sit at the top of one and pull a lever, he joked, “amazingly enough, occasionally something happens”.
But the NEET crisis is horizontal. It crosses all those departmental boundaries.
For Milburn, government therefore needs to build a “horizontal architecture” around it.
That will not be “straightforward”, he admitted, with “some extremely difficult decisions to take, particularly around benefits and welfare”.
Last year’s attempt to reduce the benefits bill was, in his assessment, “the elephant in the room”.
“The truth is, the Labour Party screwed it up… because they framed it in exactly the wrong way.”
This time, his team has been “very careful” to make the conversation not simply about welfare, but education, skills and health – and about how government can increase both opportunity and the support people receive to take it.
It seems Milburn has already been busy galvanising departments to focus on his mission. One source close to the government described him as a “unifying thread across all departments, making sure we don’t have a lost generation”.
His review therefore “may well be a catalyst for lots of other things”.
Alan Milburn (second from left) with Alice Eardley of Get Further, CSJ policy director Joe Shalam, Susannah Hardyman, CEO Impetus and Szu Ping Chan, Economics Editor at The Telegraph
Local government capacity
Even if Whitehall succeeds in joining itself up, another question looms: are the towns and cities receiving powers ready for them?
Western acknowledged that some of the “less established” combined authorities lack capacity, and spoke of combined authorities with just “six members of staff”.
But he insisted this should not become a “barrier to devolution”.
“We need to talk about how we can give them capacity to deliver, not restrict them from doing so and hold them back, but give them that surge capacity to make sure that we make a difference.”
Jess Tulasiewicz, head of policy and public affairs at Centre for Cities, has interviewed officers at the six most established combined authorities as part of a research project.
“Officers are nervous,” she said. Taking responsibility for more funding requires an “absolutely huge new skill set” in a system that has often operated on “goodwill” between organisations.
Nor, she said, is there yet consensus among devolved areas about what they actually want from 16-19 devolution.
College leaders may therefore be reassured by Smith’s insistence that “power should remain with college principals and shouldn’t be removed to a level one up”.
How that principle is protected once funding decisions move closer to mayors is another question.
Conference merch courtesy of the WEA
Training providers have their own reasons for scepticism.
AELP chief executive Ben Rowland described an “understandable caution across the training provider community”, pointing to the history of devolved adult skills procurement.
It has “not necessarily [been] a happy one”, he said, with some authorities having “made a bit of a hash of it by their own admission and have had to pause it and start again”.
Contracts have been challenged or delayed in Tees Valley, East Midlands, West Yorkshire and Lancashire.
Tulasiewicz nevertheless considers adult skills devolution “broadly a success”. But she warned that areas are not starting from a level playing field.
Some allocations are based on “outdated or currently inappropriate measures” around deprivation, age and demographics, while English skills needs are not properly reflected.
Integrated settlements can introduce another tension.
Targets attached to them can constrain the very flexibility devolution is supposed to provide. If an area commits to level 2 provision, for example, it can be difficult to shift resources towards level 3 even when local needs change.
And how different are those local needs anyway?
When the previous government asked regions to identify the sectors they wanted to grow, Tulasiewicz said almost every authority came back with “the exact same sectors”, barring a couple of references to tourism.
“Maybe there is not as much variation as you would think.”
Fabian Society general secretary Joe Dromey has seen similar analysis from the DfE.
“It was amazing how many areas had clusters in life sciences, tech, financial services and clean energy,” he said – some “probably more aspirational than real”.
AELP is now working with combined authorities on a model intended to bridge the national-local divide when it comes to devolution.
Rowland described a possible “core” layer, including apprenticeship standards, remaining nationally controlled, alongside a “flex” layer allowing areas to vary eligibility or add funding.
That, he hopes, might “take away some of the polarisation”.
Andy Burnham delivering his speech to conference
FE at the heart of NEET mission
If Burnham is placing enormous faith in devolution, similarly high expectations are being put on the shoulders of FE and apprenticeships providers.
“The apprenticeship system and the levy have failed,” declared Milburn, adding that he was yet to meet an employer who told him the system worked for them.
Training in-work adults remains “extremely important” as AI reshapes the labour market.
But with around 40 per cent of apprenticeship funding being spent on older workers, the system must be “reoriented”.
Milburn described apprenticeships as “probably the single biggest factor that could change the NEET rate, alongside increased funding for further education”.
He hopes implementation can begin “from day one”, as with Burnham being a “half-term prime minister”, there is “not a moment to waste”.
However, he expects this to be a “10-year programme, not two or three years”.
Within five years, he wants public policy aligned around bringing the NEET rate down through welfare reform, employment support and other interventions.
Rather than the usual independent review submitting recommendations for ministers to consider for six months before producing a white paper, Milburn envisages his final report as being something closer to a “manifesto” or “national plan”, executed in a “very systemic way because it’s not one thing; it’s everything”.
Milburn said his “yardstick of success” will be how the “really hard cases” are dealt with – the young people who have been “doom scrolling” in their bedrooms for five years.
“Those are the ones that we should be thinking about, obviously the hardest, and trying to make the biggest effort behind it”.
Police and campaigners on a long stroll between fringe sessions
The 45-day challenge
But hope may have dissolved into scepticism for some when Burnham, while setting out plans to “rebuild a system of comprehensive education”, cited a “45-day work placement between 16 and 18”.
If that means every young person – including A Level students – the scale would be enormous.
Currently, 45-day industry placements are a defining feature of T Levels, while school work experience placements have a standard duration of two weeks.
Colleges have long complained about the difficulty of securing enough lengthy T Level placements.
The DfE has responded by relaxing its rules, including allowing placements to take place remotely and removing limits on the number of employers that can contribute to one.
Burnham knows the challenge well. As Greater Manchester mayor, he boasted that the region had secured more T Level work placements than any other area as part of his Manchester Baccalaureate approach.
John Healey on stage to give his Keynote speech. Credit: Will Colebourne/Alamy Live News
But it did so partly by offering employers £1,000 incentives to take learners. Replicating that nationally would be an expensive gamble.
Milburn believes part of the solution to scaling up placements lies in scaling back burdensome information governance rules. Responding to a young person wanting to embark on a psychology career who could not get work experience because of “ethical issues around overhearing confidential information “, he described confidentiality and data as a “real bugbear across the whole system”.
His “very uncomfortable” solution is to find ways of overcoming this “tyranny”, which “might involve changing the law”.
Smith also referred to “unhelpful” red-tape headaches.
The Youth Guarantee requires 300,000 work experience opportunities for unemployed young people, while expansion of T Levels will require “considerably more placements”.
It was a “big ask” of employers, and government therefore has a “responsibility” to remove unnecessary bureaucracy, she added.
Shortly after chancellor John Healey announced from the stage that the government is expanding local apprenticeship brokerage led by mayors, Smith suggested those services could ultimately help broker work placements too.
“It’s going to grow with funding the development of brokerage arrangements at a mayoral level, and I think there’s a real opportunity there to provide some of the capacity to bring employers and individual learners together that otherwise it’s difficult to find the place for,” she said.
Skills minister Jacqui Smith and former education secretary Justine Greening
Vocational ambitions
Lucy Powell used her conference speech to hit back at former education secretary Michael Gove’s accusation that her curriculum reforms were “bringing back stupid”.
What was stupid, she said, was being “stuck in the past while the world changes fast”.
“Further education was decimated by the Tories,” she added.
“We’ll reverse that decline because further education is the link between school and work.”
But unlike with her Reform and Conservative counterparts, her rhetoric did not suggest she envisages increasing the role of further education as being done at the expense of universities.
“We’ll make sure that young people today see the value in going to university,” she said. “The future requires more, not less highly qualified young people.”
Burnham’s ambitions stretch to new vocational GCSEs for 14-16 year olds, and one academy trust leader suggested colleges should step up their role in helping schools here: “We can’t do it all, and FE colleges can do a much better job.”
Powell called Labour’s proposed vocational GCSEs “great subjects” that she would want her own children to take, and spoke of lingering “snobbery about BTECs and tech awards”.
The aim was to give the new qualifications strong standards and employer involvement so young people “don’t turn their nose up at it”.
In making this case, she stated that T Levels are “becoming high demand”, which not everyone will agree with.
T Level entrants increased by 7.6 per cent to 27,446 in 2025-26, a sharp slowdown from the previous year’s 59 per cent growth. Around 300,000 students complete A Levels each year.
Smith acknowledged the government’s tricky balancing act around the content of forthcoming V Levels, which need a “currency wherever you go in the country” and national standards, while still reflecting local needs.
Former education secretary Justine Greening responded with a warning shot from experience.
Any prospect of creating a new qualification was “like policy catnip” for officials, she said. “They’d be coming up with new qualifications all the time if you didn’t keep a tight rein on them.”
The Andy Burnham rubber duck
Rubber ducks and alpacas
Meanwhile, there were lighter moments to enjoy in the strange world of the party conference.
Burnham rubber ducks – complete with his trademark glasses – appeared lurking in corners at fringe events, a life-sized giraffe loomed over exhibition stands, and Smith, while sipping on a ‘Jacqueri’ cocktail, raised some giggles by comparing her political durability to that of a cockroach and revealing NESCOT had recently named an alpaca after her.
Milburn meanwhile revealed that his own early encounter with the labour market ended with him being sacked from his paper round. He seemed to be everywhere at once, prowling between numerous jam-packed NEET-themed sessions as delegates tried to divine what would eventually emerge from his review.
But at all of his sessions, he made the same overriding point.
Modern politics, he argued, has too few “Causes” with a capital C – the equivalent of the last Labour government’s ambitions to halve child poverty or eliminate pensioner poverty.
He and Burnham believe young people’s participation in work should become this government’s Cause.
Successive governments, Milburn said, have “invested in every generation, bar the one that counts”.
“That’s the next generation.”