Access to post-18 opportunities is not a level playing field

Ministers must come up with a new policy to allow 18- to 24-year-olds on universal credit to access free full-time education, writes Mark Corney

During the last great recession – the financial crash of 2008 – many young people shielded themselves from a collapsing jobs market through participating in full-time education. The same is happening in the Covid recession of 2020.

About 42 per cent of 16- to 24-year-olds were in full-time education, according to data for March and May this year from the Office for National Statistics. Between April and July, the proportion had risen to 45 per cent. And we can assume the share could be higher when we get the data for this September.

Data on enrolments for 16- and 17-year-olds are sketchy but some evidence is emerging for 18- to 24-year-olds. 

There has been a slight increase compared to last year in the proportion of 18-year-olds who have enrolled on to full-time level 4 to 6 degrees, at 41 per cent by the end  of September.

More graduates aged 22 and over have entered full-time teacher training courses than usual, while applications for full-time MBAs have risen dramatically and we expect numbers on full-time one-year master level degrees also to rise significantly.

Therefore, one of the few positives of this awful recession is increasing participation in full-time education. Inspect a little closer, however, and it is only one group of 18- to 24-year-olds who have been able to shield themselves from unemployment.

They can’t study full-time and claim universal credit

These will be young people who achieved a level 3 at age 18 or 19, who have gone into full-time undergraduate higher education and then upon graduation enrolled on to full-time post-graduate courses. The picture looks very different for young adults who did not achieve a level 3 at age 18 or 19.

Although unemployed 19- to 24-year-olds might wish to study full-time to achieve a first full level 3, they can’t. Why not? Unlike full-time higher education learners, they have no access to living costs support, such as maintenance loans. At the same time, they can’t study full-time and claim universal credit.

If they did enter full-time education, the Department for Work and Pensions would suspend their universal credit, the very thing that would permit them to live and study full-time.

The number of unemployed 18- to 24-year-olds claiming universal credit in July was 530,000 in England and this will rise as job losses mount in the winter. So what does the government say to an unemployed 20-year-old wishing to access free full-time education for a first level 3 when the DWP informs them this would end their universal credit?

Of course, the same unemployed 20-year-old could say they are willing to take out a full-time maintenance loan. But the answer is essentially: “Sorry, maintenance loans are not for the likes of young people without a level 3 in further education. They are reserved for those on level 4 to 6 degrees in higher education.”

No doubt the government would tell the unemployed 20-year-old that the chancellor has introduced a comprehensive active labour market strategy to get them a job, not more full-time study. Employers have been given generous wage subsidies to offer apprenticeships, kickstart jobs and traineeships.

But the second wave of Covid-19 is stalling the economy. There will be no V-shaped recovery in the youth labour market from January. Active labour market policies work during the upswing, not the downswing.

The government has a one-size-fits-all policy for youth unemployment: wage subsidies to employers. A second policy is urgently needed alongside it, which is to expand participation in full-time level 3 vocational training for 18- to 24-year-olds, supported by access to either universal credit or maintenance loans.

In England we have an education system for 18- to 24-year-olds that helps the most qualified to shield from mass youth unemployment, but expects the least qualified to compete.

There is still time for the government to help less-well-qualified young adults get through this terrible recession – but it must act quickly.

 

Coronavirus: College announces two week ‘circuit breaker’

A college has announced plans to close its campus for a two week “circuit breaker” to combat rising coronavirus cases in its area.

With the backing of the University and College Union, Preston College has made the decision ahead of Lancashire’s move into tier three – the top level of England Covid restrictions – from tomorrow.

It comes as the National Education Union calls on all schools and colleges to close for two weeks at half term. 

Preston College emailed staff earlier this week to say only essential work will continue on campus for two weeks from 19 October to 1 November. One of those week’s is during half term.

All learning will be moved online for the week before half term (commencing 19 October), and any staff not on leave over half term (commencing 26 October) will work remotely.

A statement on the college’s website says: “As the global pandemic continues to cause uncertainty, at Preston’s College we are doing all that we can to keep learners and staff as safe as possible in these challenging times.

“To support the maintenance of the current situation, we have taken the decision to move to remote learning for one week, from week commencing 19th October 2020. This means that for the majority of learners, regardless of their chosen course or level, they will be required to undertake lessons remotely for the duration of this week.

“This will allow Preston’s College to continue managing the global pandemic effectively and positively. It will reduce the need for travel to college, minimising both pressure on transport networks and social interactions, at what is clearly a critical point in attempts to suppress the spread of coronavirus nationally.”

From week commencing 2 November, all learners “will follow their normal college timetable, experiencing a combination of college and home-based learning”, the statement adds.

Infection rates have risen sharply across the North West of England with Lancashire – which Preston is part of – going into tier three lockdown on Saturday.

UCU head of further education Andrew Harden praised the college, saying that it has shown “real leadership”.

“It is scandalous that Covid cases continue to rise across the country, but the government still hasn’t told colleges to shut down for two weeks over half term as part of a national ‘circuit breaker’,” he said.

“Preston College has shown real leadership in halting in-person teaching for two weeks to protect staff and students, while it considers how best to teach safely under Covid. We call on all colleges to follow its example.”

Earlier this week, advice made on 21 September by scientists from the government’s Scientific Advisory Group for Emergencies (SAGE) was released and recommended that teaching at all colleges and universities should be online unless “face-to-face teaching is absolutely essential”.

The government has since maintained that all colleges should stay open for face-to-face delivery in all areas of England.

SAGE also urged for the introduction of circuit breaker restrictions three weeks ago – a recommendation that Labour leader Keir Starmer has now backed.

Kevin Courtney, joint general secretary of the National Education Union, said: “A circuit breaker could allow the government to get in control of the test, track and trace system, and get cases lower to allow the system to work better. 

“Heads, teachers and staff understand the educational impact of this, but we also understand that in exponential epidemics early action is essential. Taking action now can avoid more disruption later.”

Warning that massive competition for limited traineeship funding will repeat controversial non-levy tender

The traineeship tender is set to be deluged with “in excess of 3,000 bidders”, with the vast majority likely to miss out on a funding allocation, claims one consultant.

The Education and Skills Funding Agency finally launched the bidding process for 19 to 24 traineeship funding on 7 October, but it is being run on an “accelerated” timetable with a deadline for bids now just eight working days away.

Up for grabs initially is a slice of £65 million to be spent between February and 31 July 2021, which is split across nine regions in England – ranging from £20.8 million for London providers to just £2.6 million for the south west.

Jim Carley, a tender specialist in the FE sector, anticipates there to be “significant” demand with an extremely low success rate.

He expects “in excess of 3,000 bidders” based on eligibility and the level of interest and oversubscription seen on previous ESFA procurements, such as the controversial non-levy tender.

“However”, he added, “the number of contracts to be awarded will likely be well below half this number, based on the upper and lower contract value caps…Consequently, between 50 per cent and potentially as many as 95 per cent of bids submitted are likely to be unsuccessful”.

Carley explained that this is not to say that all but 5 per cent of applicants would put in a poor bid, it is “more a case of how many slices of cake can be given out in the form that they [the ESFA] have got”.

Just like with the non-levy apprenticeship tender, the funding agency is planning to apply a pro-rata methodology where there are winning bids of equal quality.

A minimum tender value of £250,000 has been set, so a provider would lose out completely if, after a new ranking method, they were successful but the pro-rata process took them under this value.

Writing in FE Week’s recently published traineeships supplement, Jane Hickie, the managing director of the Association of Employment and Learning Providers, also predicted that competition “will be very fierce” as the tender does not have any provider eligibility criteria, only caps.

Caps, subject to sufficient turnover, have been set at £1 million for brand new providers, £2 million for current subcontractors, and £3 million for existing providers.

The pro-rate methodology deployed by the ESFA in its non-levy apprenticeship tender caused huge controversy, as many universities and Ofsted grade one training providers and colleges did not receive and allocation as their successful bids were dragged down below the £200,000 minimum threshold.

In a message to the sector this afternoon, the skills minister Gillian Keegan said: “We will be looking for providers and employer providers.”

FE Week understands that many large employers are considering bids, including NHS hospital trusts.

The traineeships tender is one way the government plans to triple the number of traineeships starts this year – as pledged by chancellor Rishi Sunak over the summer as part of his plan to combat youth unemployment following the coronavirus pandemic.

Bids are being accepted until 5pm on 28 October.

Profile: Kate Green

Three months into the job of shadow education secretary, Kate Green reveals she is a ‘policy geek’ who is most naturally at home advocating for others… 

In many ways, the boots Kate Green must fill as shadow education secretary are big ones.

Both her immediate predecessors have powerful personal stories about social mobility that appealed to many. Angela Rayner, now deputy leader of the Labour Party, left school early, had a mum who couldn’t read or write, and went on to earn a seat in parliament against the odds. Her successor, Rebecca Long-Bailey, worked in a pawn shop and furniture factory before she became a solicitor. Both are northern women who were relatively young when they took the shadow education brief – Rayner was just 36 years old – and with their large personal followings, were touted for bigger things.

Green with students from Stretford High

You could see Edinburgh-born Green as the opposite. With parents who attended university, she doesn’t at first hand appear to have that compelling backstory of triumphing against the odds that politicians seem to crave (alternatively, that voters crave in politicians). And, as a former chief executive of Child Poverty Action, she already has the swathe of her career behind her – rather than appearing to be a new rising “star”. 

But this may have big hidden advantages for the law graduate. A self-professed “policy geek” (much like shadow chancellor Anneliese Dodds, another native Scot), Green holds an opportunity to win over colleges with a grasp of detail that perhaps neither of her predecessors, who were arguably better at talking in broad brush strokes about helping the next generation of Rayners or scrapping academies, were best known for (although to be fair to Long-Bailey, she didn’t have long to prove otherwise).

Green has worked with children and families for years – she’s a former director of the National Council for One Parent Families – so the role is likely to mean more than just the next stepping stone of her political career. Were Labour to win the next election, Green’s character may set her up well to bed down and tackle the nitty gritty policy issues others have ignored.

But that’s potentially a long way off, and some problems are more immediate. At the end of last month, Green herself was in hot water when she said the Covid-19 pandemic was a “good crisis” which Labour shouldn’t let “go to waste”, leading to Boris Johnson claiming her words revealed “the real approach of the Labour Party”. Green is total in her self-condemnation. 

Green with students from Moss Park

“You know, if you want to be a politician operating at this level, it’s incumbent on you to do it really, really well. And on that day I slipped up, I made a mistake, and there is no room for mistakes at this level, there just isn’t. Of course everyone is human, but you have to do this job really, really well.” 

Green seems to be a values- and details-oriented woman who is not out to amass a big personal following, but to nail her brief. She skirts over home life beyond childhood, and can’t lay hands on childhood photographs – suggesting she’s a private person. In that regard, she probably reflects her Scottish upbringing, one in which hard work and privacy were the norm (“I had no idea how my parents voted,” says Green). Her parents were from poorer backgrounds in west Scotland and had managed to become teachers, so education was seen as crucial. But a streak of rebellion grew in Green during that time, too. 

One incident she remembers was her father, who was leaving his primary school headship for a teacher training college post, in conversation with a friend. “The friend asked, ‘Will your deputy [whom Green describes as an “amazing, formidable woman”] get your job when you leave?’ And my dad said, ‘Oh, they’d never give a school this big to a woman.’ I was sitting there thinking, ‘You have spent my entire life telling me I can be anything I want, and I’ve just heard you say to somebody else that actually I can’t’.” Green never told her father the impression the moment made on her, but says it and the lack of opportunity for women has stuck with her for decades. “I guess I’ve spent a lot of my career kicking back against that.” 

First off, she left Scotland and arrived during the 1981 recession in London, where she would do 15 years at Barclays Bank. Her assessment is concise. “Banking wasn’t it, I didn’t enjoy it, and I wasn’t any good at it.” Why do it? Her parents recalled their own parents being jobless, including her grandfather, who would pick up work on the docks. Job security “was burned into my psyche”. Green now worries that in the upcoming recession, like her, young people could spend years just trying to find work they enjoy.

But a future direction began to form as the young Green reacted to homelessness in the capital under the Thatcher government by attending Labour Party meetings, which she “found a bit depressing”. But she persevered and eventually another party member, a teacher, suggested she stand for parliament. “I said, ‘Don’t be ridiculous, people like me don’t do something like that.’ But the idea stuck.” She stood for parliament in Tony Blair’s landslide 1997 election for the Cities of London and Westminster, a Conservative stronghold, and lost. That experience, however, “changed everything” and she left banking. “I went to work in the Home Office for a couple of years. I learnt more in those two years in the Home Office about how the country is really run than I had ever understood before.” Her main policy interest at this point was criminal justice, since her degree was in law and she’d been a magistrate.  

Green then left the civil service to stand and lose an election again, this time for the Greater London Assembly in 2000. “By this time I’m 40 and I’m thinking, ‘Look, what are you going to do with your life now? You can’t spend the next ten years going around losing elections  ̶  get a grip’.” What did her parents think of this career move? “They hadn’t particularly wanted me to stand for election, they were nervous.” But when Green was elected in 2010 from an all-women shortlist to Stretford and Urmston in Greater Manchester, they were excited. The level of privacy at home is evident when she adds with a wide smile: “My mum came out to me as a Labour Party voter!”  

Green visiting Coventry School in July 2020

The delay to becoming an MP may have been fortuitous. By 2010, Green had racked up significant experience in two top social policy roles. Labour leader Keir Starmer has pointed to her role as former chief executive of Child Poverty Action (during the years when the Labour Party pulled almost one million children out of poverty) but less has been made of the job Green says was her “happiest”. As director of the National Council for One Parent Families, she got to support some of the most undervalued women in society. Clearly Green is highly irritated by people stereotyping vulnerable groups without checking their facts first. “Teenage single mums had been demonised… but this is the parent who stayed, not the parent who walked away. They are desperate to be role models for their kids.” 

The role also gave her a unique insight into the struggles faced by many wanting to return to the workplace or education. Green was appointed to the then-National Employment Panel, which brought together industry leaders, FE providers and advocacy groups like hers to advise government ministers on labour market and skills policy. It led her to think hard about the advantages of devolution, which she says allows local policymakers “to link your social policies, your industrial and economic policies, and your skills and education policies together”. For instance, she calls the £300 million underspend of apprenticeship levy fund “absolutely ridiculous” and suggests again that greater devolution could allow for a more planned approach to training and skills strategy, “to build closer, purposively designed relationships between local employers and local colleges”.

The same advocacy drive Green had for single parents is also evident in her support for Roma, gypsy and traveller children (she chaired the all-party parliamentary group). She recalls being elected when Eric Pickles was secretary of state for communities. “He was announcing a cut in funding for traveller sites, and at the same time wanted to tighten up planning laws. And I thought that was stupid policy, and I don’t like stupid policy, so I got annoyed.” She started “asking questions” and has been trying to tackle prejudice against the community since.

Green at the Houses of Parliament

The most telling line here is “I don’t like stupid policy”. Green largely speaks with confidence about FE policies, which is likely to be, at least in part, because she’s well briefed. One of her closest advisers is Nick Wright, who was by Gordon Marsden’s side throughout his time as shadow FE minister. 

It’s also why when I press Green for details of her policy plans on contentious issues, such as scrapping Ofsted, she takes a cautious and pragmatic tone, saying these will be “reviewed”. Labour needs someone who can present policy-tight answers to big visions lacking clear plans, such as its proposed “National Education Service”. But as a geek officially annoyed by stupid policy, she won’t be drawn before she’s done the research. “I’m in listening mode.” She does share, however, that a big interest of hers is “inclusion” and reducing inequitable outcomes for disadvantaged learners. 

In a sense, Green is a shadow education secretary who is most naturally at home with being an advocate for the vulnerable. Her challenge now will be to combine that with detailed policy plans that have perhaps been lacking in recent years.

MOVERS AND SHAKERS: EDITION 330

Your weekly guide to who’s new and who’s leaving.


Jane Ide, Chief executive, Creative & Cultural Skills

Start date: November 2020

Current job: Chief executive, NAVCA

Interesting fact: Formerly a registrar of births, deaths, and marriages, she oversaw the marriages of a reformed bigamist, a Catholic priest, and the lead singer of Def Leppard (though not all on the same day)


Jim Sharpe, Principal, Dv8 Sussex

Start date: September 2020

Previous job: Principal, East Sussex College Hastings

Interesting fact: He is a keen south coast surfer


Air Commodore Suzanne Natalie Perkins CBE, Principal, Brockenhurst College

Start date: January 2021

Current job: Deputy commander and chief of staff, British Forces Cyprus

Interesting fact: She has recently been awarded a CBE in the delayed Queen’s Birthday Honours for her contribution in Cyprus and to the RAF over more than 30 years

Digital skills bootcamps: What are they and how will they work?

The digital skills bootcamps announced with the prime minister’s Lifetime Skills Guarantee could lead to adult education budget provision being elbowed aside by training paid for through the National Skills Fund.

A total of £8 million is being spent on the short courses in IT subjects such as cloud services, digital for advanced manufacturing and cyber security with links to job interviews to help people aged 19 and over gain employment in the digital sector.

Boris Johnson, announcing the bootcamps at a speech on the Lifetime Skills Guarantee last month, hammered existing programmes for adults: “We have seen a haemorrhage, in the past 20 years, in adult education – a million fewer [learners] than there were. 

“We are going to change that right now,” he promised, saying that at the bootcamps, “you can learn IT whatever your age”.

At first, bootcamps will be funded through the Department for Education’s (DfE) unallocated resources; with a further expansion, which will include sectors such as construction and engineering, being paid for using the National Skills Fund from April.

The bootcamps build on pilot programmes run by the West Midlands and Greater Manchester combined authorities with established providers such as Dudley College and QA.

The first wave will be run by those two authorities as well as Lancashire Digital Skills Partnership and Liverpool City Region Combined Authority, and will shortly be joined by a second wave of providers in west Yorkshire, the south-west, and Derbyshire and Nottinghamshire.

Speaking this week at an FE Week roundtable on the Lifetime Skills Guarantee, skills minister Gillian Keegan emphasised the employability, rather than educational, purpose of the bootcamps: “It’s 12 to 16 weeks, so it’s quite intensive training, and is really trying to get people to get some quite valuable skills, which will lead them to employment in the digital sector and digital-based roles in particular.” 

Bootcamps are just one of the already announced programmes being paid for over five years by the £2.5 billion National Skills Fund, which will also cover an entitlement to a first, full level 3 qualification for every adult, and now the National Retraining Scheme.

That is on top of a series of initiatives to triple traineeship starts in 2021. A tender went out last week from the DfE inviting bids for providers to start delivering traineeships for 19-to-24-year-olds.

Unlike adult education budget provision, the DfE has set much stricter stipulations on how these bootcamps ought to be run, mandating the length, linked job interview and subject focus.

Bootcamps could also be subject to quality checks as stringent as those for AEB courses, as Ofsted has said it will be reviewing, with the DfE, “whether such programmes would fall into our inspection scope in future”.

Prime Minister Boris Johnson uses a trowel to build a brick wall during a visit to Exeter College, where he made a speech outlining the Lifetime Skills Guarantee

The DfE will be using information the bootcamps gather to inform the design and delivery of the National Skills Fund, and FE Week understands the bootcamps have been divided into a first wave for local authorities, and a second wave, where the DfE tendered for providers directly, to test which model works better, ahead of the expansion next year.

Recruitment for the bootcamps started on September 29 and the courses must be completed by the end of March.

The pilot project West Midlands Combined Authority’s (WMCA) bootcamps are building on was called the Beat The Bot fund, run with £5 million from the National Retraining Fund.

This programme involves 20 providers training local people to move into tech jobs, or to retrain if they are at threat from redundancy due to automation. 

One of the participating providers was Dudley College, which delivered tutelage in areas such as coding and digital media to over 140 people.

Running from March to July, it was delivered in a number of ways: across four weeks for full-time learners, and 16 weeks for part-time learners. 

“Early evaluation indicates the programme was highly valued by learners,” a college spokesperson said, but “a full review is now taking place so lessons learned can inform future activity”.

The WMCA has been given £1.5 million by the DfE to run these new bootcamps, which the authority says will reach “hundreds” of people. 

How intensive the bootcamp will be will vary between each of its 20 component courses, which include full-time, part-time and remote training, with a mix of faceto-face and online sessions – adapted for Covid-19.

The GMCA, meanwhile, has said it will announce the funded projects for the next bootcamps by mid- to late October, and they will be paid for with £1.5 million from the DfE.

Their key requirements, a spokesperson said, will be to deliver the skills and wider competencies that employers require to recruit to specialist digital roles and that a learner gets a job at the end.

Training does not need to be qualification-based or accredited, though it can be if that is important to enter employment.

The bootcamps will have a mix of online and face-to-face learning and will be taught in smaller groups than those for AEB-funded provision as the new courses will be much more focused on work-readiness.

GMCA’s original programme, the Fast Track Digital Workforce Fund, was run in partnership with the Lancashire Digital Skills Partnership, and was funded with £3 million from the Department for Digital, Culture, Media and Sport. 

Although Covid-19 has created “significant and widespread challenges in the employment market”, the spokesperson said around one-fifth of learners have progressed into employment from the course.

Technical skills training provider QA was one of those involved in delivering GMCA’s pilot. Sales director Adam Jones told FE Week said it was a 12-week programme which taught participants, for example, how to work on operating systems such as Linux and the software development tool Jenkins.

“These are all really specific technologies with established skill shortages within the Lancashire and Greater Manchester region.”

Adam Jones

He stressed the importance of attracting and recruiting candidates as “just as important a part of meeting the digital skills gap need as the training intervention itself”.

The Lancashire Skills Partnership, which is delivering the bootcamp for their county, worked with GMCA on its pilot, but said they are “excited to work with the DfE digital bootcamp programme to extend this work and support even more residents”.

The development and running of their bootcamps will run along the same lines as GMCA, and the DfE has said Lancashire will share the funds allocated to Manchester, but would not say how much they would be given.

Liverpool City Region Combined Authority will be running bootcamps with £1 million in funding, and providers can register their interest in taking part via the Digital Skills for the Workplace website.

“We are very keen to hear from creative and proactive providers who can work with us to provide training content that will meet the needs of our regional employers and the individuals seeking to re enter the workplace,” a spokesperson said. 

Once they believe they have the supply to meet employer demand, the registration process will be closed.

What is required by employers will dictate many aspects of their course, including the intensity and the delivery method of the course, even down to the number of people who take part: if employer demands are quite expensive, fewer people can take part. 

The DfE has said it will announce which providers will deliver the second wave of digital skills bootcamps early next month.

Employers, local authorities and providers had to bid as a group for the £4 million contract by October 2.

Successful bidders have to design and deliver training courses of around 12 weeks to “provide a pipeline of individuals” to guaranteed interviews with employers. 

The DfE “expects” at least 75 per cent of learners will move into a new job or role, the document states.

One organisation which took part in a bid, for the Derbyshire and Nottinghamshire leg, was the D2N2 local enterprise partnership. 

Head of people and skills Rachel Quinn said the bid they are part of has 20 providers lined up to deliver a 12-week course, which they hope will reach up to 800 people. 

She added: “There is a clear steer that this should absolutely focus on identified skills shortages, thereby maximising the impact the funding can make in securing progressions. In D2N2 we are specifically including aims to increase female participation.”

DfE goes soft on apprenticeship public sector reporting rule

The Department for Education looks to have relaxed the requirement for public bodies to publish their progress towards the 2.3 per cent apprenticeship target, claiming it is merely “good practice”.

It comes after FE Week found scores of multi-academy trusts, councils and hospital trusts had failed to publicise what percentage of their staff had started an apprenticeship in 2019-20 on their websites by the deadline set by government.

Since the apprenticeship levy was introduced in 2017, public sector bodies with 250 or more staff in England have had a target to employ an average of at least 2.3 per cent of their staff as new apprentice starts over the period of April 1, 2017 to March 31, 2021.

Under statutory guidance, the bodies must report their annual progress to government and make the information “easily accessible to the public”, for example, on their website.

The data for how many apprentices start at each body is due on September 30 each year.

Chair of the education select committee Robert Halfon, who implemented the target when he was skills minister, called on public bodies to be “wholly transparent” and to comply with the regulations.

Where they do not, the Department for Education should hold them “fully accountable”, he demanded.

Robert Halfon

However, representative bodies have called on the government to ease off enforcing the rule owing to the pressures the public sector is facing from the Covid-19 pandemic.

Despite its own rules, the Department for Education told FE Week that while public bodies “must” report the data to central government so that overall performance against the target can be published, it was simply “good practice” for the bodies to publish their own data on their website.

Recognising the challenges organisations are facing this year, the department also said that where data is submitted after September 30, “we will endeavour to take account of it when we publish annual performance data in November”.

Every government department published their data on the Civil Service website towards the end of last month, revealing that one of them had recruited zero apprentices in 2019-20.

Out of the 20 largest academy trusts in England, FE Week could only find the data for one trust in the first week of October.

United Learning, the largest multi-academy trust, which has 72 academies and even has a former Department for Education director general – Jon Coles – as its chief executive, was one of the trusts not complying with the DfE’s rules. A spokesperson said the trust makes the information available “on request” and reports the data annually to the Education and Skills Funding Agency.

The general secretary of the Association of School and College Leaders union, Geoff Barton (pictured), said he imagines MATs have not hit the deadline as “they are having to spin so many plates at the moment to manage Covid safety measures, keep their schools open, and reintegrate children back into the classroom”.

He would expect the government to be conscious of these “huge pressures”, and called on the DfE, which enforces the data publication rules, “not to insist upon fairly arcane accountability measures being met to the letter”.

The one trust that did publish its data, Delta Academies Trust, had a workforce of 3,208 as of March 31, 2020 and 0.56 per cent of those were apprentices. A spokesperson said that while they were able to publish the data on time, this “clearly continues to be an exceptionally busy period for everyone working in schools” so it was “inevitable” that some work would be delayed.

Aside from MATs, FE Week also looked at a random sample of local councils in the first week of October and could only find up-to-date apprenticeship target data for one of them, Cornwall Council.

A spokesperson for the Local Government Association, which represents councils nationally, said it encourages councils to publish their progress, and while the LGA does not have a position on whether the rules should be relaxed during the crisis, “we do recognise councils have competing priorities at the moment”.

A random sample of five hospital trusts again only turned up figures on apprenticeships for one organisation, University College London Hospitals.

Health Education England, which commissions apprenticeship training in the health service, said it “does encourage trusts to publish their figures, but clearly there could be delays given current circumstances”. 

Government must rethink reskilling and reboot short courses

Those of us who have been offering free partial qualifications and short courses for years know how crucial they are, writes Kurt Hintz

Not all of Boris Johnson’s “radical” changes to further education are that new. They’re welcome – but let’s get them right.

His biggest announcement was that adults over the age of 23 in England without a full level 3 qualification can get one for free from April.

However, the announcement does not include partial qualifications or unitised provision used on short courses. This is a huge missed opportunity. 

We at Capital City College Group (CCCG) know how important this is, because we already offer all our courses for free up to level 2 for adults and free short courses up to level 3 at our three colleges across London. We’ve learned a few things.

When I was vice principal of the College of Haringey, Enfield and North East London (CONEL), we saw the number of adults entering education dropping every year from 2014.

For many learners, a free short course is just the start

For people on the lowest incomes having to pay for their education, the choice was stark – either pay the rent or pay for a course. This is no choice at all. Our adult enrolments kept falling.

By 2016, the most common search term on our website was “free course” so it was clear the appetite for learning was as strong as ever, but cost was the barrier. 

A small but important change in funding rules for adults in August 2018 meant that anyone below the minimum wage could get a fully funded course. That was the catalyst we needed. 

With many of our learners on low incomes, we did the maths and took the decision to offer all courses up to level 2 for free regardless of people’s circumstances, even if they weren’t on the minimum wage.

In September 2018, CONEL announced itself as London’s first free college. Later that academic year we also began running hundreds of free short evening, daytime and weekend courses.

Thousands applied for free courses in the first year, from accounting and engineering to healthcare and science, and the college’s enrolments increased by one-third.  

I used to despair when I walked down our empty corridors in the evening, but suddenly the life of the community returned and the corridors were as busy at 6pm as they were at 9am. 

The huge success of our free courses has seen them extended to the other two colleges in the group, City and Islington College and Westminster Kingsway College.

For many learners, a free short course is just the start. Nearly half of ours have used them as a springboard for higher level courses. Meanwhile, more than two-thirds of short course enrolments have been in STEM subjects.

One of those formerly on a short level 3 free course with us is now running her own plumbing business and has even returned to CONEL to help teach the course!

So in a way, the government’s decision to offer fully funded courses up to level 3 is a vindication of the work we have been doing locally for several years. 

It is more urgent than ever now, with universal credit claims in some of the boroughs that our colleges work in up by 300 per cent. 

But many adults will now want something short and sharp to get them into a ‘lifeboat job’ before committing to a more significant qualification for full reskilling. 

That makes it critical that Boris Johnson includes partial qualifications or short courses in his full-funding pledge. Otherwise he could seriously fail to hit the mark.

We’d also like the funding to be allocated to the local adult education budget (which in London is devolved to the mayor) and not the National Skills Fund. This would offer more local accountability and make it easier for colleges to access the money.

Meanwhile, the funds must be urgently made available – much sooner than April.

A focus on removing financial barriers is a very welcome shift from government. But let’s learn from where this is already happening and get this right.

 

Aligning end-point assessment with existing regulation makes sense

The Institute for Apprenticeships and Technical Education is right to remove duplication from apprenticeship assessment, writes Iain Mackinnon 

Despite all the effort that goes into safety, 13 British seafarers lost their lives at work last year. Absolutely nobody in our sector is looking to weaken the scrutiny of apprentices’ learning, but what makes no sense to us is for two different government-backed regulators to go over the same ground.

That’s why we very much welcome yesterday’s announcement by the Institute for Apprenticeships and Technical Education (IfATE) that for some occupations it is looking into how to align its end-point assessment requirements with those of other regulators.

It’s why we have been working with the IfATE since the beginning of this year (and talking for longer) about how they can recognise the existing assessment regime of the Maritime and Coastguard Agency (MCA), our regulator. 

And it’s why I convened a meeting at the MCA’s office in Southampton in February so that three representatives of the IfATE and a senior MCA policymaker could understand the different, but certainly complementary, requirements they each apply. 

Both organisations want to be sure that apprentices are competent (which, for the MCA, very much means “and safe”). Both have robust mechanisms for testing, at the end of a period of training, whether an apprentice is competent. Both want those tests to be rigorous and unbiased, fair to the individual and to their employer. Neither has any self-interest in any particular individual passing or failing (both are Government agencies after all) – so, to answer one query raised in FE Week’s article – there is not the slightest prospect here of anyone “marking their own homework”. 

But neither, also, have much scope to recognise the other and simply accept their assessment. What we’ve been talking about since is how that might be done. 

The MCA is an agency of the Department for Transport and the modern face of a regulatory regime for British seafarers which goes back to the Middle Ages, today applying rules set by the International Maritime Organization (IMO) (the only UN body with its headquarters in Britain). 

Because those rules are enshrined in international law the MCA cannot say to the IMO – during its five-yearly audit, for example – “we let the IfATE assess these people for us because they want very much the same as us and also have strict rules”. Any more than the IfATE can say to DfE “we let the MCA assess these people for us because they want very much the same as us and also have strict rules”. 

Caught in the middle of course is the apprentice (and their employer), tearing their hair out that two agencies of the same government with closely-aligned ambitions cannot find a way to work together. 

Meanwhile, duplication it is.

If you are an apprentice Boatmaster training for a job as skipper of a large pleasure boat on the river Thames, you first do the IfATE-approved end-point assessment – a practical observation and a professional interview (“oral” is the maritime word for very well-established practice) – and then to get your licence to practice as a Boatmaster you must also go to the MCA for, yes, you guessed it – a practical observation and an Oral. 

Unless you get your Boatmaster licence from the MCA you cannot work as a boatmaster. Unless you pass the EPA as well the apprenticeship is void. 

We appreciate that there are some awkward issues for the IfATE to work through internally, particularly as it is a new body. We support its ambition to set high standards, and very much don’t want them compromised. We’re looking for the eradication of duplication, not to be let off lightly. 

So discussions are taking a while, and that’s frustrating for employers who want to crack on, in a couple of cases to create a wholly new apprenticeship. But the IfATE are good partners, listening carefully to tease out the differences between different occupations. We are confident that we’ll get to a good solution – and impatient to see it.